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SAME SEX MARRIAGE - SO MUCH FOR SO FEW
Marriage defined as a union of a man and a
woman, has remained a constant throughout time. It has been
given intense protection by all cultures and religions as
well as United Nations human rights treaties because marriage
serves as the adhesive that hold a society together. Changing
the definition of marriage destroys this adhesive and leads
to the undermining and ultimate destruction of a society.
That is, it is a revolutionary change that detrimentally affects
many aspects of society.
Yet only a handful of homosexual activists
apparently want this change in the definition of marriage,
as evidenced by their own publications as well as by statistical
findings.
On May, 12, 2005, Ms Lisa Hitch, Senior Counsel
at the Department of Justice, appeared before the Bill C-38
(Anti-marriage bill) Committee. She testified that although
the exact number of same-sex marriages that have taken place
in Canada was not available, her department had nonetheless
estimated that over 3,000 same sex marriages have been preformed
in Canada since the court decisions permitting them were handed
down. Of this number, she estimated, that approximately 65
- 70% of these same-sex marriages involved Canadians. According
to the survey of Statistics Canada 2003, homosexuals/lesbians
account for approximately 1% of Canada's population, which
amounts to approximately 310,000 homosexuals / lesbians living
in Canada. This means that approximately 1,950 same-sex marriages
have been performed in Canada involving Canadian same-sex
couples.
The very small number of marriages by Canadian
same-sex couples makes it apparent that most same-sex couples
are not enthusiastic about legitimizing their relationship
status. If they had a genuine commitment to each other, one
would expect them to take advantage of the legislative options
available by the court permitted marriage, or even by registered
partnerships. For example, the province of Nova Scotia passed
legislation in June 2001 that permitted the registration of
homosexual couples in civil unions. Yet, six months later,
only 83 homosexual partnerships were registered, although
there were 855 couples eligible to do so.
In Belgium, the same-sex cohabitation legal
system has proven to be remarkably unpopular. As of June 2000,
few same-sex couples had registered in that country: only
eight couples did so in Brussels.
This propensity to eschew formal commitment
is confirmed by studies in The Netherlands where same-sex
"marriage" was instituted in March 2001. As of October
2002, only 2.8% of homosexuals had registered their unions
as "married". Similarly, in Sweden, which has permitted
registered same-sex partnerships since 1994, only 749 couples
have taken advantage of this provision in the first four years.
By 2004, only 2% of homosexuals in Sweden had registered their
partnerships.
Thus, although very few homosexuals/lesbians
appear interested in legitimizing their status, by marriage,
activists are, nonetheless, insisting that society change
the traditional mode of family formation in accordance with
their dictates.
From Where is the Pressure for Same-sex
Marriage Coming?
The pressure for same-sex marriage is not
coming from the homosexual community itself. This is acknowledged
in the homosexual magazine "Fab" (May 5 - 18, 2005)
in which the editor-in-chief, Mitchel Raphael, states in an
editorial:
The gay marriage movement in Canada has
been spearheaded by a handful of lawyers and a few homosexual
activists who most queers couldn't name if their lives depended
on it.
For a multiplicity of reasons queer apathy
- for one - there has been no mass gay movement supporting
same-sex marriage here in Canada.
Although few homosexuals are pushing same-sex
marriage, the demand for it is nonetheless falling upon sympathetic
ears in the Liberal government. There are several homosexual
MPs in Parliament, including high profile Scott Brison, Minister
of Public Works and Government Services, in the Liberal Party.
However, even if homosexual MPs were elected solely to promote
the homosexual agenda, they could not achieve this objective
without sympathetic officials in the Liberal government. Certainly,
former Liberal Justice Minister Martin Cauchon, and the present
Justice Minister Irwin Cotler, have done everything in their
power to push same-sex marriage. They have been assisted by
highly placed individuals in the PMO (Prime Minister's Office)
in the person of Paul Genest, former chief policy advisor
to Jean Chretien, and Paul Martin's Chief of Staff, Tim Murphy.
The latter, by the way, a number of years ago pushed homosexual
rights when he served as a member of the Ontario Legislature
representing a downtown Toronto homosexual dominated riding.
He introduced a private members bill to the Ontario legislature
to provide homosexuals and lesbians with family benefits.
Mr. Murphy is apparently still deeply committed to the homosexual
cause, and is currently masterminding the push for same-sex
marriage from Martin's PMO.
Although Bill C-38 is supposed to be a free
vote, all 29 cabinet ministers are required to vote for it
and only 35 backbench Liberal MPs have dared to defy the party
policy on this issue. The remaining Liberal MPs appear to
prefer to support their party (and their careers) rather than
their constituents.
The Clerk of the Privy Council, (administrative
arm of the federal government), Alex Himelfarb was named by
former Justice Minister Cauchon as one of the key individuals
working for same-sex marriage in the Chretien government.
(See REALity July / August 2004, p 12) There is no reason
to believe that Mr. Himelfarb, who retained his position on
the Privy Council when Mr. Martin replaced Mr. Chretien, has
lost any of his enthusiasm for same-sex marriage. He continues
to be a key player in this regard.
The Liberal party rules from the top down.
It takes the position that it knows best, regardless of the
views of the Canadian public. That is, a few wheelers and
dealers within the party seem to decide policy - in this case
of same-sex marriage and Canadians are supposed to quietly
acquiesce to their decision.
It is interesting that senior journalist,
Douglas Fisher, for the Sun newspaper chain also believes
that the passing of Bill C-38 was an "inside job."
Mr. Fisher, stated in his July 10, 2005, column as follows:
my theory is that to a remarkable degree,
same-sex marriage was an "inside job" carried out
within the federal Department of Justice, among the law clerks
of Canada's courts, and lawyers (largely women) in tune with
the aims of gay organizations such as EGALE Canada. When the
time came for crucial decisions supporting same-sex marriage,
the senior courts were ready.
Indeed, by the time the House of Commons finally
dealt with the matter, the issue was already a "fait
accompli."
Unless a provincial legislature or the House
of Commons was willing to to use the notwithstanding clause
of the Constitution -- and none were -- it was the courts'
decisions that effectively became the law of the land (witness
the flood of same-sex weddings, well before the new legislation
passed in the Commons).
Long before even the court stage was reached,
the single most important promoter of gay rights in Canada
was Svend Robinson, the now-retired NDP MP from Burnaby.
The first elected federal politician to come
out of the closet with a combination of social gall, bravery
and stamina, Robinson rarely let a chance pass to advance
the cause of homosexual rights. He was later joined by a gay
member of the Bloc caucus, Réal Ménard.
It was apparent to me that this duo had the approval of most
of the several hundred reporters, producers, and researchers
who cover federal politics.
This media gang had become favourable to homosexual
rights, just as they had become favourable to the end of capital
punishment and a generally open abortion policy long before
these matters were decided in the political arena.
This journalistic support showed up most particularly
during the last election, especially in the hostility of reporters
(again, largely women) towards Stephen Harper over his allegedly
backward stance on same-sex marriage.
Pro-gay edge
Much of this pro-gay edge in the media was
blazoned after 1989 by one newspaper, The Globe and Mail,
and its editor-in-chief in the 1990s, William Thorsell.
Rarely a week went by that the Globe did not
advocate for homosexual rights in features, editorials, and
news stories, all making the vigorous case for fair play and
full citizenship for this too-long-persecuted minority.
CBC-TV news and public affairs also shifted
into this attitude, seeing the homosexual "status quo"
as an undeserved injustice, with the French side (Radio-Canada)
leading the way long years before their English cousins took
up the cause.
I have no conspiracy theory of a single mind
or team which executed the legislative coup of same sex-marriage.
But I am sure when the history is written in the next decade
or so, it will have, aside from the media and two prominent
gay politicians, women lawyers at its core.
Everything humanly possible was thrown into
the pathway of Bill C-38 as it was pushed along the legislative
highway. Most Canadians did not agree with Bill C-38 when
it was introduced into the House of Commons in early February,
and even fewer agree with it now. Yet, the Liberal government,
public servants and the media insisted on pushing it through.
There is little room for democracy in the world of Canada's
Liberal government which listens to anyone but the people.
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