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HOW THE COURTS IN CANADA SWEPT TO POWER
In no other country in the western world do
judges have power comparable to that now held by Canadian
judges.
Contrary to popular belief, however, most
of the remarkable power held by Canada's appointed, unaccountable
judges was not given to them under the Charter of Rights,
but rather, has been greatly expanded by the judges
themselves in a series of cases which enables them to determine
public policy issues which was formerly the role of Parliament.
The power of the courts today is so extensive that nearly
all-important moral, political and cultural values affecting
the lives of Canadians have been removed from democratic control
by our activist judges.
The Charter provides in S.24 that the courts
may provide "such remedies as the courts consider appropriate
and just in the circumstances." This provision, however,
did not provide that judges may take legislation and "write
in" or "write out" words at will. Rather, the
courts assumed this prerogative all by themselves, frequently,
in doing so, ignoring the purpose and intent of the legislation
passed by the elected legislators. This new judicial technique
came about in 1992 in the Schachter Case. In that case,
a father claimed his equality rights were being denied because,
the Unemployment Insurance Act provided different parental
leave for biological and adoptive fathers. Chief Justice Lamer
and his colleagues on the Supreme Court decided to re-write
the Unemployment Insurance Act by "reading in" words
that were not in the Act, thus exercising a legislative function.
By this decision, the power to make laws was effectively transferred
from the elected Members of Parliament to the unelected judges.
That is, by this decision, the Court turned itself into a
second legislature, reducing Parliament to a mere secondary
role in the legislative process.
Perhaps an even more important Charter decision
to expand the courts' power was the Supreme Court of Canada's
1986 decision, in Regina v. Oakes. In that case, the
Court set out the parameters by which it could determine whether
laws were "justified" in a democratic society. Unfortunately,
the effect of the Oakes decision was to give the courts
a free hand to second-guess government policies.
The Court's powers were further widened in
Reference re Provincial and Electoral Boundaries (Saskatchewan,
1991), in which the Supreme Court of Canada discovered
a brand new doctrine, which was that our Constitution is not
static, but rather, a "living tree." With this metaphor,
the courts accorded to themselves the right to broadly change
the wording and meaning of Charter provisions, and to change
laws according to judges' own philosophical and ideological
views. That is, the Charter was to grow, just like a living
tree, by adding branches to the so-called "tree."
And, it was judges who were to have the privilege of doing
so
The most recent application of the "living
tree" doctrine was made by Madam Justice Louise Arbour
in her minority decision in December 2002 in Attorney General,
Quebec v. Gosselin. In this case, she put forward the
astonishing proposition that judges know better than legislators
regarding the allocation of the scarce resources of the public
purse. This decision, dealing with welfare payments by the
Quebec government, was a narrow one (4-3) and if just one
other judge had moved over to Madam Justice Arbour's line
of reasoning, it would have resulted in the Quebec government
having to pay hundreds of millions of taxpayers' dollars in
compensation to welfare recipients. It is worrisome that the
Supreme Court has promised to revisit this issue at a later
time!
The Supreme Court of Canada's interpretation
of "equality rights" under S.15 of the Charter,
is just as bizarre. In Law v. Canada (1999), the Supreme
Court held that equality rights were threatened if an individual's
"human dignity" is undermined. In that case, the
Court held that "human dignity" exists only if an
individual or group feels that self-respect and self worth
are present. That is, according to the Law Case, an
individual or group's human dignity can be undermined if they
feel marginalized, ignored and devalued. This means that equality
rights under S.15 of the Charter now rest on the claims of
a person's subjective feelings. This is an extraordinary criterion
for courts to use and has given them a wide opportunity to
protect their favourite groups, regardless of the intent of
Parliament, the plain wording of the legislation, or the views
of the public.
This extraordinary power grab by the Canadian
courts has occurred because there are no checks and balances
on them, and the courts rightly reason that they can do whatever
they please, no matter how spurious their reasoning, or how
unhealthy their decisions are to democracy and society. Only
lawyers who actually read the judgements know what is going
on - but they're not going to tell since their livelihood
depends upon respectful submission to the courts' rulings.
We do not have a strong tradition of criticism
of the judiciary in Canada, but in the interests of democracy,
perhaps it is time we developed one.
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